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Civil society organizations can take certain steps to shore up their own legitimacy despite growing hostility to their work.
U.S President Donald Trump may have Israel and Saudi Arabia on his side. But without a hint of any strategic contingency planning by the White House, it would appear that the United States can expect to pay for the Iran decision in spades—from western Europe to the Pacific.
Now that the Trump administration has left the JCPOA, EU governments are looking to Washington to set out how they intend to build a negotiated solution to shared concerns.
Hindu nationalists in Uttar Pradesh have found Shias—a minority within the Muslim minority—to be relatively open to supporting their initiatives, including the construction of a Ram Temple in Ayodhya.
Policy watchers have to understand that their traditional methods of analysis do not count anymore. Whatever the issue, the U.S. president’s response is: me.
The U.S. violation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) gives Iran more nuclear options, and the West less control. Here is what President Trump is throwing away by scrapping the Iran nuclear deal.
It’s time for India, France, and Australia to join forces. This innovative security triangle is no flight of think tank fancy, but an ambition now being considered at the highest levels of policy.
The Trump administration appears committed to working "by-with-through" local partners in the Middle East. Doing so effectively requires a clear political strategy and continued diplomatic engagement in the region.
The chance to end North Korea’s test program should be seized and, if successful, could form the basis for expanding direct contact and trust between Washington and Pyongyang, while expanding the global norm against nuclear testing.
Voter turnout in India is not necessarily pro- or anti-incumbent; rather, the relationship between these two variables is likely shaped by the specific context at hand.
U.S. President Donald Trump’s faulty assumptions and unrealistic expectations could doom prospects for peacefully deescalating one nuclear standoff—and applying these misguided lessons to Iran could manufacture yet another.
Nazarbayev needs to interest other powers to avoid overdependence on China.
Despite the positive nature of the joint statement by the Korean leaders pledging to make progress on long-standing problems, the reality is that there is much hard work to do if the U.S.-North Korean summit is to be a success and lead to real progress.
The looming economic war between the United States and China has more to do with the U.S. technological edge than its trade deficits. The atmospherics of unfairness can be changed, if China takes active actions such as eliminating the requirement to form joint ventures.
Unless the United States changes its priorities, Korean diplomacy is probably doomed.
As Beijing begins to recognize the potential dangers to China from U.S. President Trump’s policies on trade and security, President Xi has turned on the charm offensive towards its Asian neighbors.
The South Asian stalemate is likely to endure even as South and North Korea appear poised to turn the page.
Since its announcement in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative has grown from an idea centered on connectivity and infrastructure development into a global strategy bolstering China’s influence and economic diplomacy.
The latest attacks by the self-proclaimed Islamic State may destabilize the upcoming Afghan elections, even as U.S. President Donald Trump questions the U.S. commitment to the country.
In Washington, as the old saw goes, personnel is policy. And fifteen months into the Trump presidency, big changes are underway in the foreign policy team.